CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

1.1. Research Context

Globally, 55% of the world live in urban areas, a proportion which is expected to increase to 68% by 2050 (UN DESA, 2018). Projections show that urbanization, the gradual shift in residence of the population could add another 2.5 billion people to urban areas by 2050 (UN DESA, 2018). These trends mean that market demand for food will continue to grow as well as the need to have a source of income.  According to Crosss J., (2000),  street vendors are  those  people  who  offer  goods  and  services for sale on primary streets or pavement. Bogoro et al. (2012), defined street trading as a form of squatting; it involves perpetual displaying  of  goods  along  roadsides which  may  occur  within  established  market  places  or outside,  the  intersection  of  major  roads.  In the same view, Ouwamanam, et al (2007) defined it as the act of engaging commercial activities in illegal structures or open spaces (ground) within  the  building  line. Street food originated in Greece, China and Rome (Parminder 2015). Countries of the world have each experienced enormous economic growth in the past decades thus prompting the informal food retail domain which serves as a source of livelihood for many especially women (Skinner, 2016).

Food retailing in the developed world for example Canada is considered a mature industry, similar to the United States and Europe. Supermarkets, which dominate as the most important retail food channel in North America, now account for 80% of retail food sales in Canada as well as Japan which recorded sales of $474.13billion (Ministry of Trade, Economy and Industry and the Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2020). The Street Vendors industry in Canada comprises establishments primarily engaged in preparing and serving meals and snacks for immediate consumption from motorized vehicles or non-motorized carts (IBIS World, 2021). The establishment is the main location from which the caterer route is serviced, not each cart or vehicle. Included in this industry are establishments primarily engaged in providing food services from vehicles, such as hot dog carts and ice cream trucks (IBIS World, 2021). The Street Vendors industry in Canada is involved in supplying mobile food services to individuals at various work sites, including construction sites. The Street Vendors industry in Canada is highly fragmented, with more than 70.0% of enterprises being owner-operators with no employees (IBIS World, 2021). This activity aids in the livelihoods of 40% of today’s world population, being the main source of income and employment (Zafiriou, 2005). The Street Vendors industry in Canada is expected to grow over the five years to 2021, amid a rising urban population and growth in the total number of businesses in Canada. Due to the organized nature of the food retail and street vending spots, there is little or no traffic congestion associated to these parts of the developed world (IBIS World 2021).

Rapid urbanization in Africa south of the Sahara continues to highlight the importance of informal retailers as a source of both food and employment for the urban poor (Resnick et al, 2020). Street food vending in urban  areas  of  developing  countries like  Botswana  continues to be a source of livelihoods to many (Joseph, 2011). The government and relevant stakeholders need to understand holistically the challenges faced by street food vendors and develop interventions that will enable street food vendors to survive, grow and compete in a dynamic business environment (Joseph, 2011) The informal sector contributes between 8% and 10% of South Africa’s GDP (Battersby et al, 2016). The existing evidence suggests that informal retail is dominated by the food trade (Skinner et al, 2016). Using third quarter 2014 QLFS data, Rogan et al, 2017 estimate 67% of street traders sell food and the food retail sector accounts for around 30% of national food retail sales. In some food categories, including staple vegetables with a long shelf life, informal retail commands an even bigger market share. In Dar es Salam and Tika, street trading is carried out in the CBD’s public spaces eventhough these latter are not designated areas for trade (Potts, 2008). Street vending occupies 8%, 14.6% and 6% of the non-agricultural labour force in Kenya, in South Africa and in Tunisia respectively (Potts, 2008). Women represent the majority of the vendors who take up street vending as a means of earning a livelihood. (Roever et al; 2016). In Africa, as well as  Asia,  the  presence  of  large  number  of  street  trading  has  now become a major issue (Kopoka et al; 2000).One of the most serious problems confronting Nigerian cities today is the encroachment of market centers on open spaces on the road thus affecting traffic flow most of the time (Fadamiro, 2005).  It is consequently critical to recognize that these difficulties can be attributed to poor market environment planning. Many markets pop up haphazardly near main roads in cities, obstructing free flow of traffic and so compromising urban functionality and aesthetic aspects.

Street sales in Cameroon is no different from how the developing countries operate, though informal, they are usually considered illegal since they do not pay any taxes to the local authorities (Mobit et al; 2013). The illegal market has been operating in quite a disordered manner for the past many years. Selling and buying along roadsides are immensely popular in port city Douala. Going from Douche Municipal area towards bustling commercial heartbeat, Akwa is a huge garment and footwear market that has steadily developed over a decade beyond the pages of city council control (Mbohjim et al; 2013).On one of the two pedestrian pavements along the road are business spots always bustling with garments and food wears sellers and buyers. On the other hand, are food joints, food and fruit sellers which are both a major impediment in the smooth flow of traffic right from midday to midnight (Mobit et al; 2013). Located in the heart of the city the stretch is one of the busiest high streets which are used daily by thousands of commuters (Mbonhjim et al, 2013). While the road is not wide enough to hold the moving traffic, the crowds at the market dubbed “spontaneous” or “illegal” by the Douala city council add to congestion most especially due to the fact that the vehicles of visitors cover almost half of the road and most of the pedestrian pavement especially at noon and during the evenings. Those involved in this street vending operate without contracts, worker benefits or social security. 

Street food vending is another important informal economic activity in Bamenda. This activity is predominantly a women’s livelihood strategy (Fonchingong, 2005). In Bamenda, people cultivate crops next to their houses, around office buildings and along the edge of roads. The urban population had to develop  livelihood  strategies  to  enable  them  deal  with  changing times and economic pressure (Ojong, 2011). Infact, it is a vital  source  of  income  generation.  Urban farmers cultivate crops for household consumption and income generation (Ojong, 2011).  Women are the  main  players  in  this  field  and  are  usually assisted  by  other  household  members.  Common crops cultivated include Irish Potatoes, beans, maize, yams, and vegetables and a bulk is sold while the rest is consumed at home. Although there are no policies supporting pro-poor strategies in the light of the current socio-economic realities of urban poverty, urban policies and regulations as well as local government bodies are often biased against street vending (Obeng, 2011). Street vendors are often evicted from the sites where they sell their goods and often face confiscation of their wares. This is primarily because the sites where street vending is carried out are often unsanitary and hazardous due to the lack of basic services because such informal places are not factored in the planning and service provision within urban area development. The encroachment of these street vendors around crossroads constitute one of the main causes of traffic congestion in Bamenda especially around Hospital Roundabout, Mile 4 Nkwen, Foncha Street (Fombe et al,2019)

1.2. Statement of the Research Problem

Bamenda is a cosmopolitan city and serves as an employment centre for many struggling citizens. As a result, the city has been expanding due to the constant influx of people. The Bamenda Food Market has been serving as the food hub for the entire city where various food items are sold. With continuous urban expansion and growth there is an increase in expansion of food growth poles at the peripheries of the town and along road junctions.

With this growing urban population, unconventional markets have started sprouting up across the city. However, very little sustainable measures are being put in place to control these food sales points to sustainable levels. Consequently, some people have taken advantage of the situation and so sell these food crops along busy roads and road junctions to have income, while those who buy these products reduce the cost of going to the main market. These food sales points have more or less turned to small markets as more vendors have started coming to sell making the area known not only for the commercialisation of food produce but also accessories such as second hand clothes, shoes, bags and many more items which are not food products. This is commonly seen in areas such as Mile 2 New Road, Below Foncha. Setting up market stalls to sell brings about an issue because these sellers more or less use the roadsides as their market areas. As a result, the road becomes narrow and since the food sales points just sprout out of the blue, local councils are not aware and so have not come up with adequate development plans to expand such roads in order to accommodate the growing market and these narrow roads go a long way to affect traffic flow as not only automobiles and pedestrians have to share the road but the sellers have to share the space and it goes a long way to cause space conflict for example Foncha Junction, Mile 4 Junction Nkwen.

 Examples of this situation can be seen in areas such as Ntene Ntene at Below Foncha, a junction which has been turned to a mini market where people sell products such as cocoyams, fowls, plantains S bend, Mile 2 New Road as well as Foncha Junction as these spots commonly known for having ‘periodic markets’ which go a long way to attract customers resulting in not only encroachment into the roads but also affecting the traffic flow for that day(s) which are known to be the market days

This study is therefore out to understand how these sporadic/periodic markets (food sales points) come up and why they easily expand, how it affects the livelihood of those concerned (the buyers, sellers even the pedestrians and automobile owners) and its impact on traffic flow.

1.3. Research Questions

1.3.1. Main Research Question

What are trends and patterns of food sales points in the Bamenda urban landscape and their implications on livelihood and traffic flow on the population?

1.3.2. Specific Research Questions

• 1 What are the trends and patterns of food sales points in Bamenda urban scape?
• 2 How do food sales points contribute to the livelihood of the inhabitants of Bamenda?
• 3 What are the challenges brought by the development of these food sales points in Bamenda?

1.4. Research Objectives

1.4.1. Main Objective

To examine development of food sales points and implication on livelihood and traffic congestion in the Bamenda urban space 

1.4.2. Specific Objectives

• 1 To examine the trends and patterns of food sales points in Bamenda urban space
• 2 To evaluate the implications of food sales points in the Bamenda urban space
• 3 To identify the challenges posed by the development of food sales points and to the municipal authorities in Bamenda urban space