CHAPTER I

Introduction

Cameroon is home to about 250 unique ethnic groups, each with its own language and set of cultural norms and practices. There are now an estimated 28.647,293 million people living in Cameroon throughout the country’s 10 distinct regions. The South West and North West areas, which were once under British colonial rule, are inhabited by an approximate population of 45 million people. The francophone districts of Cameroon, which were once under French colonial rule, now house the majority population of the nation. Following its colonization by Germany in 1884, Cameroon transitioned into a protectorate under the League of Nations after the conclusion of World War One. The nation of Cameroon has recently undergone a formal division, resulting in two distinct entities. According to the findings of Ekah, it is seen that France exerted influence over the centre and eastern sections of the territory, but Britain maintained authority over the smaller coastal area next to Nigeria. In the year 1946, with the founding of the United Nations, the two regions of Cameroon transformed trust territories under the governance of France and Britain. Due to this factor, the two areas diverged in terms of their political and social trajectories over around 15 years. The trustees responsible for the governance of these institutions exerted a substantial influence on the cultures they developed. The prominent expression of this transition is seen in the linguistic composition of the nation, wherein the area formerly governed by the British has come to be referred to as Anglophone Cameroon, while the part formerly under French administration is now recognized as Francophone Cameroon. According to reports, British-controlled Nigeria was defined as an insignificant little strip that was hardly worth reserving at all by Nigeria’s Governor General, Sir Frederick Dealtry Lugard. However, the British decided to keep this strip under their rule and set up a variety of political institutions, including courts, municipal governments, schools, and more. These institutions and French colonial policies differed significantly from those imposed on the rest of the territories under French authority.1 The British colonial administrators of British Northern and Southern As contrast to the French colonial authorities, who invested extensively in Cameroon, Cameroon’s neglect of the land is seen in the underdevelopment of the strip due to a lack of investment in infrastructure.

According to reports, British-controlled Nigeria was defined as an insignificant little strip that was hardly worth reserving at all by Nigeria’s Governor General, Sir Frederick Dealtry Lugard. However, the British decided to keep this strip under their rule and set up a variety of political institutions, including courts, municipal governments, schools, and more. These institutions and French colonial policies differed significantly from those imposed on the rest of the territories under French authority. The British colonial administrators of British Northern and Southern As contrast to the French colonial authorities, who invested extensively in Cameroon, Cameroon’s neglect of the land is seen in the underdevelopment of the strip due to a lack of investment in infrastructure. The imposition of an artificial geographical border by France and Britain gave rise to several challenges for the local population. One factor contributing to the separation of houses and farms was the implementation of the Picot line. Furthermore, the colonial policy mandated the acquisition of official licenses by local individuals to traverse the heavily guarded border to visit family members or attend to agricultural activities. The borderlands saw the diffusion of anti-colonial political forces. In the year 1948, a significant political party known as the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC) emerged in French Cameroon. This party was mostly composed of ethnic groups residing along the border. Its primary objectives were the eradication of the border, fostering unity among the people, and ultimately achieving independence. The French government adopted a firm position against the UPC after categorizing them as terrorists.
The past conflict between the UPC and French colonial soldiers has notable similarities to the ongoing hostilities in the aforementioned regions. For 55 years before a poll in 1961, the demarcation between the anglophone and francophone regions of Cameroon remained unchanged.2
As a consequence of the decolonization process in Africa, the northern segment of the Britishadministered Cameroon area was integrated into Nigeria, while the southern segment became a constituent element of an independent Cameroon, which had transitioned into a francophone state, on the first day of January in the year 1960. The enduring influence of French and British colonialism on the culture, institutions, and architecture of Cameroon is evident in the present-day nation. In Cameroon, both French and English have the status of official languages and are accorded equal legal significance. Cameroon now has a bijural legal framework due to the enduring influence of colonial impositions of European legal systems. The enduring influence of French and British colonialism on the culture, institutions, and architecture of Cameroon is evident in the present-day nation. In Cameroon, both French and English have the status of official languages and are accorded equal legal significance. Cameroon now has a bijural legal framework due to the enduring influence of colonial impositions of European legal systems. This entails the coexistence of common law in the anglophone parts and civil law in the francophone sections. The ongoing Anglophone Crisis remains centred on bijural issues, including conflicts of laws and arguments about judicial jurisdiction. Cameroon harbours a multifarious religious community, with its plethora of ethnic and colonial customs. Islam and Christianity both possess substantial adherents in separate regions of the country. The anglophone regions of Cameroon have had significant influence from Christian missionaries. In 1960, Cameroon gained independence from France, aligning with the wave of anti-colonial movements that permeated Africa. Consequently, it transitioned into the Republic of Cameroon. Concurrently, the two regions comprising British Cameroon conducted a referendum in adherence to the principle of self-determination as advocated by the United Nations. During the 1961 referendum, the residents of the two regions were presented with the choice of political affiliation, either joining the Nigerian Federation or the Republic of Cameroon. The process of integration with Nigeria occurred in June 1961, when a segment of the Northern region expressed their support for merging with the Federation of Nigeria.3 The establishment of the Federal Republic of Cameroon as a two-state multilingual system occurred in October 1961. Nevertheless, the Southern region decided to unite with Cameroon. In the year 1972, President Ahmadou Ahidjo implemented a significant change to the political structure of the nation by eliminating the federal system and establishing a unitary government. The nomenclature “United Republic of Cameroon” was selected to symbolize the new administration’s commitment to centralization. During the period of the French trust mandate, Cameroon was officially known as La République du Cameroun (the Republic of Cameroon). However, after President Paul Biya assumed power, the name was altered. The founding principles of the federation were rejected by Anglophone elites who had opposing views. Since the 1990s, individuals belonging to the Anglophone minority have expressed grievances over their perceived marginalization. One of the grievances expressed by the individuals was the disregard for legal and administrative frameworks, as well as the neglect of cultural and traditional practices that were inherited from British colonial rule. Additionally, they raised concerns about the lack of adherence to bilingualism in both the public and education sectors.

Root of the Anglophone Crisis There was a violent crackdown by security forces in 2016 when English-speaking Cameroonian lawyers, students, and teachers started protesting their cultural marginalization by the Francophone-dominated government. Anglophone separatists in the northwest and southwest areas, home to the country’s Anglophone minority, declared independence and established the new state of Ambazonia in October 2017. Since then, violent clashes between armed separatists and Cameroonian security forces have led to massive crimes committed by both sides against the civilian population. Since the onset of the crisis in 2016, a significant number of lives, about 6,000, have been tragically lost. while those suspected of harbouring separatist sentiments have been subjected to arbitrary detention, torture, and other forms of Anglophone villages have seen significant destruction, mistreatment by security authorities.4 Armed separatist groups have gradually consolidated their control over extensive territories in the Anglophone regions while engaging in acts of violence such as killings, kidnappings, and instilling fear among the local population. Since the beginning of 2022, the government has intensified its efforts in countering separatist strongholds, hence prompting the separatist factions to escalate their attacks on government security personnel. This escalation is characterized by the use of more lethal weaponry and improvised explosive devices. Government schools often face acts of aggression, intimidation, and theft perpetrated by separatist groups, who have been known to resort to extreme measures such as kidnapping children and educators, subjecting them to immolation. The attacks perpetrated by armed separatists and the consequent implementation of lockdown measures have resulted in a disruption of children’s access to educational institutions. Attacks and threats by armed separatist groups have prompted the closure of 2,245 schools in the Anglophone areas, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The obstruction of critical supplies and the temporary suspension of humanitarian operations have been caused by the acts of aggression against hospitals and aid personnel, perpetrated by both separatist factions and government forces. At least 1.7 million people in the southwest and northwest areas need humanitarian aid, according to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). A total of 87,000 persons have sought refuge in Nigeria from the aforementioned regions, although the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs approximates that 638,421 people have experienced internal displacement inside their respective nations due to the ongoing violence.

Statement of the Problem The violent reaction to mostly peaceful demonstrations in 2016–2017 that called for an end to the discrimination of the Anglophone minority ultimately led to the Anglophone crisis. Since then, violent conflict has broken out in the country’s north-western and south-western areas, drawing in civilians caught in the crossfire.5 The government of Cameroon has persistently downplayed the severity of the crisis and has failed to undertake substantial measures to resolve the conflict or tackle its underlying causes, despite the deteriorating security and humanitarian conditions. The response from the international community has shown a comparable level of restraint. Additional entities have shown their willingness to assume the role of mediators, such as the Council of the European Union and the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. These organizations have previously issued appeals for the cessation of violence and have advocated for governmental action. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) convened a singular meeting to deliberate upon the circumstances in Cameroon, specifically addressing the humanitarian catastrophe. This meeting, held on 13 May 2019, followed the Arria-formula format. The perception held by external observers on the conflict in the Anglophone area is often oversimplified, characterized by the notion of an armed separatist insurgency against the government of Cameroon. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that the actuality of the situation is far more intricate and multifaceted.

The Anglophone and Francophone areas of Cameroon have been politically integrated since 1961. However, a protracted history of conflict has persisted about the extent of control exerted by the French-speaking majority over government resources. The initial political dispute has evolved into a multifaceted security challenge and a humanitarian crisis. Women and children, who constitute a disproportionate segment of civilian populations, are bearing the primary burden of the massive scale of destruction and unlawful fatalities. The Anglophone population is in direct danger from the act of ethnic cleansing, which has the potential to be classified as both war crimes and crimes against humanity. Ethnic groups often face targeted aggression based on the perception of their alignment with one of the conflicting factions. The diversification of financial resources by separatist groups via the means of abduction and extortion is causing a notable change in the dynamics of the conflict in the northwestern and southwestern regions.6 The diversification of financial resources by separatist groups via the means of abduction and extortion is causing a notable change in the dynamics of the conflict in the northwestern and southwestern regions. The absence of a cohesive armed separatist entity, along with the proliferation of several competing groups, has significantly complicated the situation and posed considerable challenges to the attainment of peace. The conflict may be attributed to many fundamental factors, such as the substandard provision of government services, ineffective administration, and the exclusion of some segments of the population by a heavily centralized state. Addressing these issues is imperative to avoid the occurrence of atrocities. Purpose of the Study  The purpose of this study is as follows:  To investigate the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon  To investigate issues surrounding the violation of minority rights in Cameroon  To examine the government’s actions to address the Anglophone problem and quell the ensuing unrest,  To recommend a solution to address the Anglophone crisis and the violation of minority rights.

Research Questions/Hypotheses

 The following constitutes the research questions:

 What are the fundamental factors that have led to the Anglophone conflict in Cameroon?

 Have the rights of minorities been violated and to what extent? 

To address the Anglophone situation, how has the government responded and what steps have been taken?

 What are the solutions to end the Anglophone crisis and the violation of minorities’ rights?