CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1.Background to the Study.

The Anglophone crisis in Cameroon has resulted in the displacement of a significant number of individuals and communities, including in the Tiko Subdivision. The crisis, which emerged due to historical, political, and socio-economic factors, has had profound implications for the wellbeing of internally displaced persons (IDPs). The government’s policies play a crucial role in addressing the needs and protecting the rights of IDPs. Therefore, it is essential to examine the impact of government policies on the wellbeing of IDPs in Tiko Subdivision.  To add, on the 6th of  October 2016, the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium, an organization consisting of lawyers,  teachers and trade unions in the Anglophone regions, initiated a strike. This strike was led by Barrister Agbor Balla, Fontem Neba, and Tassang Wilfred. They were protesting against the appointment of Francophone judges in the Anglophone regions. They saw this as threatening the common law system in the Anglophone regions, as well as part of the general marginalization of Anglophones.The strikes were supported by peaceful protests in the cities of Bamenda, Buea and Limbe. The activists demanded protection of the law system of the Anglophone regions,  opposed by  the civil law system, used by the Francophone magistrate, replacing the common law system. They asked for several laws to be translated into English, and that the common law system should be taught at the University of Buea and the University of Bamenda.

The Cameroonian government deployed security forces to crack down the protests. Protesters were attacked with tear gas. protesters and lawyers were allegedly assaulted by soldiers. Throughout November 2016, thousands of teachers in the Anglophone, regions joined the lawyers’ strike,  and all schools in the Anglophone regions were shut down.

Also, two weeks into the protests, more than 100 protesters had been arrested, and six were reported dead. Unconfirmed videos released over social media showed various violent scenes, including the beating of protesters by policemen.  In January 2017, the Cameroonian government set up a committee to initiate a dialogue with the lawyer activists. The lawyers refused to talk, demanding that all arrested activists be released before any dialogue. The lawyers submitted a draft for a federal state, and the government responded by banning their movements altogether. The protesters were now openly regarded as a security threat by the Cameroonian government, and more arrests followed.In addition, the government also implemented an Internet blockade in cities across the Anglophone regions. At this point, the crisis began to attract international responses. More than 13,000 Anglophone Cameroonians living in Maryland protested against the Cameroonian government crackdown. On thev 27th of June, United States Congressman Anthony Brown, filed a petition with the United States Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, to call for the government of Cameroon to immediately show concern and solve the ongoing crises. The United States condemned the loss of lives and brutality against Anglophone protesters. Many separatists and federalists hoped that the crackdown would lead to an international military intervention against the Cameroonian government. The government crackdown on the protests contributed to mainstream separatist movements. In September 2017, Ambazonian separatists began to take up arms against the Cameroonian government till now.

To add, the Anglophone Crisis (French: Crise anglophone), also known as the Ambazonia War or the Cameroonian Civil War (The New York Times, 6 October 2018) is a conflict in the Southern Cameroons region of Cameroon, part of the long-standing Anglophone problem. In September 2017, separatists in the Anglophone territories of Northwest Region and Southwest Region (collectively known as Southern Cameroons) declared the independence of Ambazonia and began fighting against the Government of Cameroon (Journal du Cameroun. 13 March 2018) Starting as a low-scale insurgency, the conflict spread to most parts of the Anglophone regions within a year(Picking a Fight 2018) By the summer of 2019, the government controlled the major cities and parts of the countryside, while the separatists’ held parts of the countryside and regularly appeared in the major cities. A year later, clearly-defined frontlines had emerged, sometimes with a tacit mutual understanding between the belligerents on who controls which areas; while Cameroon would raid separatist-controlled towns and villages, it would not seek to outright recapture them, focusing instead on securing the major urban areas.

The war has killed approximately 3,000 people and forced more than half a million people to flee their homes. Although 2019 saw the first known instance of dialogue between Cameroon and the separatists (Journal du Cameroun, 28 June 2019) as well as a state-organized national dialogue and the granting of a special status to the Anglophone regions(Reuters, 20 December 2019) the war continued to intensify in late 2019 (Voice of America, 24 September 2019) The 2020 Cameroonian parliamentary election brought further escalation, as the separatists became more assertive while Cameroon deployed additional forces. While the COVID-19 pandemic saw one armed group declare a unilateral ceasefire to combat the spread of the virus, other groups and the Cameroonian government ignored calls to follow suit and kept on fighting (Voice of America, 9 April 2020).

1.2. Statement of the Problem.

The process of displacement and the manifestations of physical movement are associated with loss of assets and this creates a situation in which all the symptoms of poverty are manifested. Living conditions of a majority of the IDPs are a great call of concern, as some houses were overcrowded and feeding was a problem to them. The phenomenon of displacement seriously implicates the affected individuals, shifts patterns and social roles, institutionalizing poverty and damaging the social fabric of a given community. Major problems of IDPs are caused by economic vulnerability. Finding a job in areas of their displacement is difficult particularly for single parents. A majority of IDPs lack money to feed themselves and other dependents. They are also unable to pay rents for housing, highly dependent, unemployed and also discriminated against because their presence leads to competition for jobs and also increase the burden on host communities and local authorities. Also, the primary sources of income of IDPs are salary from government and support from Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs).

To add, there has been noticeable loss of lives, destruction and burning of homes and property, work space and other infrastructures in several parts of Tiko, one of the epicentres of the Anglophone crisis. In response to these traumatic experiences, IDPs have reacted in different ways. They have also had to cope with physical, socio-economic, mental and emotional problems that may have long lasting effects on their lives if not urgently attended to by the government, NGOs and other stakeholders in the on-going conflict.

The problem of internal displacement if not adequately handled could jeopardize the sustainability of peace and development in Tiko and by extension Cameroon as a whole. Social development and economic stability have been negatively affected in Tiko Sub- Division. This explains why the main contention in this study is that IDPs have undergone socio-economic and psychological torments in Tiko as a fall out of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon.

1.3. RESEARCH Questions.

1.3.1. Main Research Question.

How does government policies affect the wellbeing of internally displaced persons in Tiko Subdivision?

1.3.2. Specific Research Questions.

1. a) What are the specific government policies implemented to address the needs of IDPs in Tiko Subdivision?
2. b) How do these policies impact the IDPs access to basic services, such as healthcare, education, and social support?
3. c) What are the challenges faced by IDPs in relation to government policies and how do these challenges affect their wellbeing?

1.4. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

1.4.1. Main  Objective

To examine the relationship between government policies and the wellbeing of internally displaced persons in Tiko Subdivision.

1.4.2. Specific  Objectives.

1. a) To assess the effectiveness of government policies in addressing the needs of IDPs in Tiko Subdivision.
2. b) To analyze the impact of government policies on the access of IDPs to basic services in Tiko Subdivision.
3. c) To identify and analyze the challenges faced by IDPs in relation to government policies and their impact on the wellbeing of IDPs in Tiko Subdivision.